By John Callaghan, Mark Phythian
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Additional info for British Labour Party and International Relations: Socialism and War
The Council would represent peoples not states-as-Powers. The League would concern itself with relations between peoples not relations between states-as-Powers. Here Hobson touched upon the issue already raised by Ponsonby: namely the corruption of professional diplomacy in its methods and goals, its socially unrepresentative character and the apparent ease with which it could be influenced by ‘small, powerful, organised groups or castes within each nation’, be they aristocracies or modern financiers and arms dealers.
The Foreign Office bureaucracy of diplomats and first-class clerks consisted of about 160 financially independent individuals in 1914, winners in a process that began with nomination and selection, before progressing to competitive examination. The larger portion of this socially unrepresentative group then remained abroad, moving in high official society to ensure that their complete ignorance of public opinion in the host country was as profound as their ignorance of opinion in Britain. Ponsonby suggested abolition of the income test and open examination in order to recruit a more representative foreign office official.
G. Wells – that it was the war to end war. There was thus no incompatibility between support for the war on these grounds and support for a future League of Nations, which G. L. Dickinson was calling for from as early as September 1914. Thus the quest to prevent future wars was by no means the preoccupation only of the open critics of the conflict begun on 4 August 1914. Furthermore, as Wells himself demonstrated in Mr Britling Sees It Through (1916), 30 The First World War as the war wore on its initial rationale wore thin, and doubts and misgivings increased.
British Labour Party and International Relations: Socialism and War by John Callaghan, Mark Phythian