By Susan A. Niles
Demonstrates how this fifteenth century deliberate group of the royal Amaro Topa Inca and his retainers mirrored the Inca excellent of a properly organised social order.
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Extra info for Callachaca: style and status in an Inca community
In order to monitor the distribution of people and goods throughout the empire, the Inca recognized certain social statuses of great importance in regulating the production of goods and the reckoning of the tax. Native craft specialties were recognized, as each citizen who paid tax in a traditional specialty was granted that status (Cobo libro 12, cap. XXVII; 1964:119). A chakra kamayoq ("field maker") was an agricultural specialist; a khipu kamayoq was a quipu reader (Cobo libro 12, cap. XXXVII; 1964:143); a qompi kamayoq was a "fine qompi cloth maker" (Cobo libro 12, cap.
Because the prestige terms were relative, they changed according to one's point of reference. For example, the ranking of Cuzco's panaqas, or royal descent groups, that was established by Pachacuti was reformulated by Huayna Capac as the families realigned themselves with respect to the ruling family (see Rowe 1985:68-73, tables 6-10). The ethnohistorical sources allow us to draw a picture of an Inca culture in which rank, prestige, and status are paramount and in which orderly arrangements of people and commodities were important.
XIII; 1964:171). He is further mentioned in connection with two miracles. At his birth, an amaro, or supernatural serpent, emerged from a sacred mountain at Cuzco, and comets were seen in the sky (Pachacuti 1968:299). He was named for the apparition. In another legend, his fields were miraculously spared from a seven-year drought (Pachacuti 1968:301). Also unusual for the Incas is the fact that Amaro Topa Inca was a member of the panaqa of his brother, Topa Inca, rather than of his father. This is an apparent violation of the Inca rule of inheritance outlined so clearly in the chronicles.
Callachaca: style and status in an Inca community by Susan A. Niles